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TNO 2(10), also worth the wait.

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T H E N E T W O R K O B S E R V E R

VOLUME 2, NUMBER 10 OCTOBER 1995

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"You have to organize, organize, organize, and build and build, and train and train, so that there is a permanent, vibrant structure of which people can be part."

-- Ralph Reed, Christian Coalition

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This month: Getting foundations on the net The ethics of headers Descartes and masculinity The Web and cooperative writing Those computer ads

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Welcome to TNO 2(10).

This month Sam Sternberg explains why the records of charitable foundations' giving should be online. Computer networking has some potential to decentralize the world of nonprofit social service agencies, but (just as with everything else) this is not inevitable. A good first step would be to get the facts on the net so that smaller organizations can level the playing field with their more professionalized peers in the endless hustle for funds.

Also this month I continue my personal crusade against misleading e-mail headers. The point is not that anybody is bad or stupid or breaking the rules; the point is simply that the unruly world of hard-to-understand mail headers and incompatible mail reading and delivering systems is causing a lot of unnecessary hassle and conflict. Many things cannot be fixed. Unix is probably one of them. But Internet mail headers probably can be fixed, and ought to be. Tighter standards would help, as would public humiliation for systems that fail to comply with the existing standards.

I have once again marked out my commentary on Ralph Reed's quote as a separate article. Another short article offers a simple contribution toward a social semiotics of computer ads. As Langdon Winner pointed out last month, technology is not just a set of tools for jobs -- it is also an occasion for people to define who they are. Did the proliferation of television sets into everyone's bedroom constitute progress for your family? How about the proliferation of personal computers into everyone's bedroom? Does it help if you can send e-mail back and forth? This month's recommendations pick up related themes at greater length in relation to some fascinating texts. A footnote. Gordon Cook has pointed me to the new epicenter of corporate issue management on global information infrastructure issues, the "Global Information Infrastructure Commission" whose Web pages can be found at http://www.eds.com/giic/ Many of the promised links do not seem to exist at the moment, but perhaps this is a transient condition. Does the word "commission" tend to suggest to you something established by a government or an intergovernmental organization? Those sovereign states, the Principality of Toshiba, the Kingdom of Siemens, the Democratic Republic of Oracle, the Grand Duchy of Harvard, and the Sultanate of Sprint, have established a nonpartisan commission, with its Secretariat in Washington, to hold hearings on the issues that affect them all. I admire them: this is world-class networking, no doubt about it. Perhaps it is the next major step in the globalization of lobbying, in which the lobbyists turn around and constitute themselves as a government.

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Listening to pain.

Ralph Reed identifies the three activities -- organizing, building, and training -- and I want to focus on the first of these. He is talking about an activity that sounds archaic in the current climate, namely building a political organization. The verb "to organize" sounds so paternalistic, or coercive, or something like that. But the United States has a whole series of valuable popular traditions of organizing, and in my opinion they capture the true spirit of democracy much better than the elite discourses, conservative or liberal or whatever they are, that are conducted on the chat shows and in the press.

These traditions hold that organizing, on any scale for any purpose, starts with listening. When you go to organizing school, they teach you to knock on people's doors and listen to them. Politicians do this when the cameras are rolling, and politicians do exist who do it when the cameras are not rolling as well. Sales people are trained to listen too. But organizers have a different and better purpose in mind. They want people to learn the skills that are involved in bringing people together to take control over their own lives, and this process begins with an understanding of how people see their lives. Are they talking about their lives from a standpoint of active agency -- in terms of choices and potentials, with an assumption that real people could make things and change things -- or from a standpoint of defeat -- in terms of things that are inevitable, that just happen, that have to be accepted, that are just the way they are?

Ways of talking often vary with the particular issue at hand. Not just, "what issues do they care about and what hot buttons do they have?" (this is the question for the marketing-oriented campaign pollster) but "what issues do they care about and have the makings of a stance of empowerment towards?". Technology issues are tough from this point of view -- technology is just about the last thing that most people feel any sense of empowerment towards. I have met countless people who ordinarily project a sense of competence about their lives suddenly cast into the darkest cellar of disempowerment by the very presence of a computer. We really must understand this effect if we expect technology to contribute to a revival of democratic culture -- or if we expect technology itself to become in any way an object of genuine democratic processes.

What is this disempowerment made of? Is it really just a matter of ergonomics and user friendliness? What are people's formative experiences of disempowerment around technology? There's a lot of pain out there around technology, and I think it's important for us to listen to that pain. Pain is grounded in very concrete circumstances and it often speaks in monosyllables. But it is also a kind of knowledge in its own right of many things that most technologists have forgotten: the things that were hard once, or that were not obvious once, or that somebody else helped them with once. Above all, pain speaks of isolation. All the "Dummies" books in the world, their virtues notwithstanding, are no substitute for the social organizing that provides the framework that everyone needs for mutual assistance, reality checking, story sharing, identity forming, and the means to put values into practice -- in other words, "a permanent, vibrant structure of which people can be part."

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Those computer ads.

Look closely at computer advertisements, especially the ones for the home market. Who are these people? What else goes on in their lives? What do the marketing people think they are thinking about? One common image involves a parent and child (or at least that's who we infer they are); the parent is sitting at the computer and the child is distracting the parent's attention from it. The parent is usually Daddy but not always; the child is usually a girl of about ten but not always; the people are usually white but not always.

What is going on in such pictures? Is Jenny asking Daddy when he's going to be done with the computer so she can use it? Is Jenny trying to get Daddy to stop playing with the computer and start playing with her instead? They both look too happy for this. Sometimes Jenny openly says that she wants to use the machine, or Daddy remarks downstairs that Jenny uses the machine more than he does, but it's always a nice little shared joke with no real sense of conflict.

Why so many of these pairs, the Jennies and Daddies? Marketers imagine people to associate home with family, and it would not be good to show Daddy locked away in his den while neglected Jenny experiments with marijuana at her friend's house. Nor should we be given any space to imagine glassy-eyed Jenny staring at that computer as her brain is consumed by video games or heaven knows what on Usenet. So there's a tension here, with the result that the pictures show us a happy father-daughter interaction taking place in juxtaposition to the computer. Yet the physical arrangement of this interaction, with Daddy craning his neck backward or Jenny climbing over his shoulders, speaks volumes about the nature of the machine itself: it seems not to function in way that provides an occasion for joint activity between Daddy and Jenny.

But that's not right either, given that people engage in joint activity in front of computers all the time, for example in preparing spreadsheets and the like at work. As Bonnie Nardi and Jim Miller have shown in a brilliant paper (cited in TNO 1(11)), these joint activities are actually excellent occasions for impromptu apprenticeship in both the use of the machine and in the purpose for which the machine is being used. The problem is subtler: the imagination of the industry is focused on the machine and not on the lives of the people using it, and certainly not on the concrete activities within which the machine is to be used. These activities are hard to explain in a simple image, and they are each too specific for a mass market.

So the question remains, what can Daddy and Jenny do together with the computer? They can go over her papers for school. That, unfortunately, would not make a picture with smiling faces. What else? It's worth thinking about. And it's also worth holding open the possibility that Daddy and Jenny should just shut off the machine, go outside, sit under a tree, and talk.

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The ethics of headers.

Internet e-mail messages have headers: lines of text at the top that start with words and colons. For example,

Date: Wed, 26 Apr 1995 14:06:28 -0700 From: Phil Agre To: neumann@chiron.csl.sri.com Subject: July Inside Risks column draft

These headers were originally modeled on business memoranda, and they are specified by an RFC Internet standard. In fact, most of the information used for actually routing a message is located in something called the "envelope", which users do not normally see. For this and other reasons, headers are not as standardized as you might think, and many mail-handling programs do odd things with the headers. Mostly this is not a problem, but some real problems are occurring nonetheless. I'm already sketched some of these in my tirade about dysfunctional e-mail software in TNO 2(1), a revision of which appeared in the July 1995 "Inside Risks" column in Communications of the ACM. Here I want to focus on a particular problem that routinely affects me.

At least once a week, I will get a message that was not intended for me. It will usually be from someone I have never had any connection with, and it will often say something like, "very interesting, thanks for forwarding this -- hello to Jeff and the kids". Invariably what has happened is that somebody has taken a message I've sent to a mailing list and forwarded it to an acquaintence. If they did this using the Eudora mail reader's "redirect" command then they will have generated a header that looks like (in part):

From: Phil Agre (by way of Jane Somebody

(Note that the field seems to have gotten cut off. This will be important later.) The person receiving the message will often get the idea that, in replying to this message, they are sending a reply message to Jane. Often they've gotten this idea because Jane has added a bit of text to the top of the forwarded message, on the order of "You might find this interesting -- J". Similar things happen with other mail-readers, though they typically use the "Resent" mechanism, which generates headers that look like:

From: Phil Agre To: big-mailing-list@somewhere.edu Resent-From: Jane Somebody Resent-To: Joe Schmoe

Of course, these four header lines will be mixed in with twenty or thirty other lines, and Joe's mail-reader will display some subset of them, which may or may not include the "Resent" lines.

Now this might seem like a small irritant: a few Joes sending replies to the wrong people. But it happens a lot. And more important things happen as well. If someone forwards a message from me to a mailing list, the listserv might reject the message (because I'm listed in the From: field even though I'm not on the list of authorized users of the list) and send me an error message, or it might accept the message and tell the whole list that I sent it. Even worse, Jane (who really sent the message to the list) might have added her own text without it being clear whether the text was mine or hers.

I think that this is a serious problem. Terry Winograd pointed out to me the best way to understand what's wrong with these messages. (See his book with Fernando Flores, "Understanding Computers and Cognition", for more of this.) When I send a message to someone, I have performed a social action with a particular moral significance. This action has several parts: I (and not some other person) sent this message (and not some different message) to these people (and not someone else) on this date at this time (and not some other date and time). The message, in other words, is an action, and it matters precisely which action it is. This action can have all kinds of meanings and consequences, and these meanings and consequences might differ considerably from another action (someone else sending the message, or sending the message to someone else, and so forth). So, for example, if I send a message to my own mailing list then that's quite a different action from sending the same message to another mailing list (for example, a private list, or a list on a different subject, or a list in which all messages are supposed to conform to a certain format). People might be pleased to observe the first action and outraged to observe the second action.

It is crucial, therefore, that the header a recipient receives be an accurate representation of the action that I took. In this sense, I believe it would be immoral for a mail program to generate a message that claims to be from me, unless I have specifically authorized that particular message in all of its details -- its recipients, every last byte of its contents, and its date and time of sending. Of course, the people who write these mail programs do not believe that they are forging messages. The problem is that different programs, and different people, interpret the message headers in different ways. If Joe receives a message in his mailbox that reads:

From: Phil Agre (by way of Jane Somebody

then who is that message really "from"? Who will a reply be addressed to? Will Joe understand that I did not send a message to him? What if Joe has never heard of Eudora or the "by way of" convention? What if the "From:" field got truncated along the way (as often happens), so that Jane's name does not even appear? I am assured that the message conforms to the standard. But compliance with standards may not be enough. I think it's crucial that every message unambiguously convey who it is from, who it is to, and so on. If large numbers of mail-reading programs do not correctly display the full range of possible header formats, or if large numbers of people reading mail on the Internet do not understand the semantics of the full range of obscure headers, then mail programs should not generate headers that can be easily misconstrued. In my opinion, and I know that I will receive a lot of explanations of the virtues of other approaches to the question, there is precisely one correct way to forward my message to someone else, and that is to encapsulate it -- that is, to make the header of my message into part of the text of your message.

Date: Wed, 27 Sep 1995 14:06:28 -0700 \ From: Jane Somebody message header To: Joe Schmoe /

Date: Sun, 24 Sep 1995 12:21:07 -0700 \ From: Phil Agre beginning of the To: big-mailing-list@somewhere.edu message body /

If Jane wants to add her own text, she can put it before my message header where it can't confuse anybody:

Date: Wed, 27 Sep 1995 14:06:28 -0700 \ From: Jane Somebody message header To: Joe Schmoe /

Hey Joe, check out this bozo... \ \ Date: Sun, 24 Sep 1995 12:21:07 -0700 beginning of the From: Phil Agre message body To: big-mailing-list@somewhere.edu / /

If Jane wishes to emphasize that comments on my message need to go to me and not her, she is free to point that out:

Date: Wed, 27 Sep 1995 14:06:28 -0700 \ From: Jane Somebody message header To: snort-action-list@snort.org / Subject: big conference (forwarded)

You all might find this useful. \ Please note that comments should \ be sent to Phil, not to me. \ beginning of the Date: Sun, 24 Sep 1995 12:21:07 -0700 message body From: Phil Agre / To: big-mailing-list@somewhere.edu / Subject: big conference /

Of course, mail programs will still make mistakes and users will still get confused. But no mail reader will generate mistaken messages to me, and the level of confusion, while it will never reach zero, will be much reduced. In fact, the risk of fallout from any confusion will now fall hardest where it belongs, on Jane. People are more likely to assume that Jane originally wrote my message. If I am strongly concerned about my authorship being preserved as messages are forwarded, then I will take the precaution of including my name in the message, perhaps in a signature at the end. It is, alas, not wise to assume that your header will stay attached to your message anyway.

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Some references.

I've mentioned a lot of people's names in the last few issues of TNO without providing citations to their work. Here are some of the relevant citations:

Mikhail Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays, University of Texas Press, 1981.

Edward L. Bernays, ed, The Engineering of Consent, University of Oklahoma Press, 1955.

Craig Calhoun, The infrastructure of modernity: Indirect social relationships, information technology, and social integration, in Hans Haferkamp and Neil J. Smelser, eds, Social Change and Modernity, University of California Press, 1992.

Peter J. Denning, Designing new principles to sustain research in our universities, Communications of the ACM 36(7), 1993, pages 99-104.

Jonathan Grudin, Interface: An evolving concept, Communications of the ACM 35(4), 1993, pages 110-119.

Friedrich A. Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty, University of Chicago Press, 1960.

Friedrich A. Hayek, The telecommunications system of the market, in 1980s Unemployment and the Unions: Essays on the Impotent Price Structure of Britain and Monopoly in the Labour Market, London: Institute of Economic Affairs, 1980. Edwin Hutchins, Cognition in the Wild, MIT Press, 1995.

Robert D. Putnam, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy, Princeton University Press, 1993.

Ben Shneiderman, Designing the User Interface: Strategies for Effective Human-Computer Interaction, Addison-Wesley, 1987. Langdon Winner, Mythinformation, in The Whale and the Reactor: A Search for Limits in an Age of High Technology, University of Chicago Press, 1986.

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Missing records.

Sam Sternberg aa002@torfree.net

Today government funding for social and charitable work has been cut dramatically, and it will be cut further. At the same time the value of the stock market in North America has been reaching unprecedented new heights.

This means that the thousands of Charitable Foundations in the US whose assets are in the market have more money to donate than at any time in their history. (Over 99% of all Foundations have their assets invested.)

The cutbacks in government funding mean that the public needs those funds desperately.

There is uncommitted money at all these foundations because their prior year giving is based (usually) on the amount the auditor found available a year earlier. With the new income windfall, the extra money has to be granted. And, this means opportunities for new grantees.

There are several flies in this ointment. First foundations sometimes don't give grants to organizations getting money from government sources. Second, all the foundations combined couldn't begin to replace the cut funds from government. And third, there is still competition and paper work, though its almost always less burdensome than the hoops government programs put an organization through.

Nevertheless, there will be funds and they will be donated.

Right now it is expensive or difficult to find information about those foundations and their activities. But it shouldn't be. Every foundation in the US is required to report to the Federal Government in detail about its activities. And, almost all of them report additional information to the state in which they are legally domiciled. All of these records are "public". But most are difficult to access -- and almost none are currently on line without charge. (About a dozen charitable foundations have made their contribution records available on the Internet. That is far less than one tenth of one percent!)

The existing records can be obtained now by visiting the Regional offices of the IRS, for Federal records, or the appropriate state agency for those reports, but the process is expensive, slow, and a burden to everyone.

It doesn't have to be like this. The precedent for online availability has been set by the Security Exchange Commission (SEC). It makes all corporate filings available on the net.

There is no good reason why Foundation reports should not be available online too. Each describes the total giving of the Foundation and lists the recipients and the amounts they were given. From this simple set of facts, it's easy to see if (in the past -- and most foundations don't change their giving patterns very often) they gave to organzations or projects like the one seeking funds. This means that the group soliciting funds doesn't waste its time send requests to inappropriate funders. The funder benefits too: it gets fewer off-the-wall solicitations to deal with.

All of them should be online and easily could be.

The IRS, which receives the reports for the feds, already makes them available as a tape set. To date the only major user of those tapes is the Foundation Center -- itself a charity, but one with a vested interest in keeping things as they are.

Today everyone who wants electronic access to those records must buy it through the Center's online services. It's time for that to change. Some of the Foundations which fund the Center should either give it less funds and bring those records online for free access, or convince the Center to do it themselves.

In addition to bringing the Federal records on line its also time to bring the State records on too. California's records are also available as a tape set. (I helped launch the lawsuit that lead to the public release of those tapes.) Most other state records could easily be made available as well.

There is another option: the various government levels with control over these records can simply be asked to make them available without charge. After all this is a relatively simple way to help lessen the impact of the cuts they are now making.

None of this will happen till the Internet community rouses itself to action and demands it from their federal and state legislatures. It also wouldn't hurt to contact any foundation executives you know and ask them what they intend to do about this.

Other Potential Information Resources

While most large corporations give to charity, only those with foundations are required to publicly disclose their giving activities. Still, some do so voluntarily and that information can be gleaned by searching the SEC database.

In addition a few classes of business must report their giving because they are regulated monopolies. Typically the power companies, telephone companies, insurance companies, and other regulated companies are telling their regulators about their giving -- but those records aren't public. They easily could be. The charitable contribution information could separated from the proprietary information they accompany -- and be made publicly available too!

Again only action with your state legislature will get results. This really is an issue that state associations of non-profits and national associations like the United Way should be taking up.

Finally, there is another potentially invaluable source of data on charitable activities. That's the successful non-profits themselves. It would be fairly easy to set up a WAIS database which non-profit groups would contribute funding lists to. Many non-profits actually make those contributors lists public in annual reports, but they don't have any simple way to share them on the Internet. The value of doing that is that many companies which have no reporting requirements would now have their funding patterns made visible. I used the system of gathering reports from non profit groups to create my database for "The National Directory of Corporate Charity". That database now forms a portion of the records the Foundation Center uses for its corporate information services.

By the way, don't feel sorry for the Center. It will survive and thrive because it produces an invaluable selection of reports on charitable giving, by interest or category. As more people learn about the public records, the number interested in paying the center for its prescreened products will increase.

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Wish list.

This month's wish is something simple. In "Networking on the Network" I wrote at length about the great importance that people in the research world attach to the practice of writing comments on draft papers. Circulating a draft of your paper to others in your field is a sort of consensus-building process: the others may not agree with what you wrote, but at least you've eliminated the obviously wrong bits and had a chance to internalize a range of other reactions and responses. I want technology to support this process as much as it can. One obvious proposal is to give the WorldWide Web a simple facility whereby readers of a page can attach voice annotations to it. The author of the page can then gain access to the complete set of annotations, either all at once (who had comments on this paragraph?) or reader-by-reader (I'll go through my advisor's comments before going through the comments from people I don't know, or perhaps I'll go through the comments by technical people in a separate pass from the comments by philosophers). Mechanisms would be needed to restrict access to the draft, perhaps to predefined lists of people. (I might show the first draft to my local research group, the second draft to my close friends, and the third draft to anyone who wants to look at it.)

To make this really work, it would be great to have a screen big enough to display two pages side-by-side -- an editor window and a web browser -- because the version of the paper in the editor will change during the revisions but it's still necessary to see the precise text that the commentator was commenting on. Also, a headphone jack in the terminal would be nice.

Once these mechanisms are in place, they would have a variety of other uses, corresponding to different possible divisions of labor in the writing process. Much of what I must write in a given year does not require enormous specialized knowledge or skill, and it would be nice to be able to employ a writer easily at a distance. Perhaps I would simply talk into the computer for ten minutes, explaining what I had in mind and suggesting structure and phrases. The writer and I would then iterate on drafts, using both the audio commenting facility and (presumably) the telephone. I might actually employ two people, a writer and a transcriptionist. I might dictate bits of a draft, have it transcribed, and then explain more discursively what more needs to be done.

The market for such skills would be very interesting. I expect that I would want to maintain a stable relationship with a small number of such people. It would be nice to recruit people who have some relevant educational background and experience as well.

What does not interest me is the development of tools that capture the whole cooperative writing process within some kind of grammar. Many tools for capturing design processes, for example, are on the market or under development, and the basic model has also been applied to writing. I prefer to think of computers as providing a medium -- a blank slate -- rather than capturing activities within a grammar that is inevitably constraining and thus covertly normative. Others may have different tastes; my main concern is simply that we not confuse supporting an activity with capturing it.

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This month's recommendations. Stephen Gaukroger, Descartes: An Intellectual Biography, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995. I have written some paragraphs about Descartes' place in intellectual history in my work, and I have always been frustrated by the surprisingly small amount and coverage of the secondary literature in English on him. Like most authors who mention Descartes' work, I have sometimes brought together ideas from different texts written over a long period, knowing that this is a risky move but lacking the resources to do any better. Gaukroger's intellectual biography is a radical step forward. He traces the development of Descartes' ideas in the context of his family background, current social and political developments, particular debates with contemporaries, the traditions of the school he attended, and a great deal else. This analysis helps in understanding what Descartes was saying by allowing us to see what he was responding to -- what he regarded as new versus old, controversial versus commonplace, and so on. It's not exactly beach reading in its complete bulk, but I recommend to everyone the first couple of chapters on Descartes' family, schooling, and early life.

Susan Bordo, The Flight to Objectivity: Essays on Cartesianism and Culture, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987. This is my favorite interpretation of Descartes. It is pretty clear that Descartes had some serious emotional problems due to the circumstances of his early life, and that he had a lot of trouble forming close relationships. And this is part of a larger pattern, in which people who have pioneered highly rationalistic philosophies have had trouble with people. This does not in itself imply that those philosophies are wrong, nor does it imply anything about the people have have inherited those philosophies or extended them or applied them. But it does suggest a useful line of psychological and cultural inquiry that Bordo pursues with fascinating if perhaps oversimplified results. The basic idea is that the transition from medieval to Cartesian culture (two overly large and bulky categories that don't do justice to Bordo's more subtle account) involves a shift on many levels from images of involvement to images of detachment, and these images have historically been culturally associated with certain feminine and masculine intellectual styles, respectively. The result is a critique of objectivity, in which the opposite of objectivity is not irrationality but embedding in a network of relationships, so that objectivity is portrayed as the rejection of something rather than as the embrace of something else.

Dorothy Dinnerstein, The Mermaid and the Minotaur: Sexual Arrangements and Human Malaise, New York: Harper and Row, 1976. While I'm at it, let me recommend to you another feminist book, one that completely changed the way I look at the world when I read it ten years ago. Her argument in brief is that men and women are the way they are largely because children are raised primarily by women. I can attest from my experience in the men's movement that emotionally distant fathers are very common and have caused a tremendous amount of pain. Dinnerstein's project is not to cast blame but to show how this arrangement gets reproduced on a psychological level. Being raised primarily by one's mother, with one's father in the background, creates some very difficult psychological situations for everyone involved. In particular, it creates difficult situations for boys, who (being children and thus lacking a larger perspective on the situation) learn a lot of unfortunate lessons about their mothers (and by extension, women in general): that women are responsible for whatever goes wrong, that one's own very survival depends on one's ability to control women, and that becoming a man means converting oneself into the opposite of the only person they have ever known at all well. It is fashionable these days to regard such theses as man-hating and so forth, but my experience has persuaded me that any man who won't own up to a certain degree of these things is, well, too wimpy to call himself a man. Dinnerstein's theory provides clear accounts of an awful lot of other things as well, including why it has been so hard to do anything about the problem. An interesting relevant text, by the way, is an open letter (reprinted on the Web from the Christian Coalition publication Christian American) that Ralph Reed wrote to his young daughter on his experience of being a house-husband -- http://www.cc.org/cc/camag/ca0913.html -- in which he seems caught between conflicting views on this matter. He speaks of stock markets, automobiles, and best-selling books as "largely vain enterprises that the world considers more important than our children". But wait. This guy is in his thirties, just like me. His whole life, "the world", in the form of the feminist movement, has been bellowing in his ear that men and women should take equal roles in raising children. And "the world", likewise, in the form of the whole counterculture, has been equally dismissive of business affairs, material goods, and "selling out". He does seem to have heard these messages, but without being able to remember where. And throughout his text, his ideology is trying to pull him in the opposite direction, back to the Stone Age in which women raise children while men "help". He looks back fondly on his experience of modern child-rearing while simultaneously treating at as something faintly abnormal: "I was a regular "Mr. Mom", and about as well-intentioned a failure as most men at that job". Let's hope that he and his political brothers listen to their hearts and not to the ideological echoes of their fathers, who stoically stuffed their feelings through the Great Depression and a succession of wars and left us all poorer for it.

Mauro F. Guillen, Models of Management: Work, Authority, and Organization in a Comparative Perspective, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994. Contrary to the economic determinism of both left and right, market economies evolved in significantly different ways in different countries. This useful book is a comparative study of the reception of both Taylorism and the later, more corporatist ideas about management in several countries. It identifies a short list of variables for each country, recounts the histories, and then assesses which variables predict which element in the country-to-country variation in the reception and application of the ideas. This is not a terribly sophisticated procedure on a theoretical level, but it produces strong and useful results that burst many myths. One surprising result is the great importance of the religious views about work and human dignity held by the managerial classes in each country. These views influenced both which ideas were adopted and how those ideas were interpreted. Taylorism, for example, which was associated with sharp workplace conflict in the United States, was regarded quite differently by everyone involved in some other countries, for example in Germany.

Strategic Investments. I probably got on this company's mailing list because I subscribe to the Heritage Foundation's theoretical journal, Policy Review. It's an investment service for wealthy individuals; it calls itself the "investors' CIA" (the same CIA that kept promoting Aldrich Ames?). Its marvelously hyperbolic shtick goes like this: the whole of global society is about to collapse; we know this because we have highly placed contacts throughout the world's elites; nothing can stop the collapse; but if you see it coming then you can profit exorbitantly from it and end up living in luxury while everyone else goes to hell. About once a year they mail out long tracts explaining at great length why various countries will go bankrupt, why enormous wars will break out, how the world will be overwhelmed by organized crime, and why the Information Age will bring social devastation by putting the vast majority of unskilled workers on the street. (The most recent one is headlined, "Invest Along with the World's Richest Gangsters".) At first I found these tracts repellant, and I still don't find them particularly credible, but they do contain enough semblance of plausibility that lately I have found them a useful way to get my head out of the superficial analyses in the newspaper. (They aren't nearly as useful in this regard as Noam Chomsky, but they're useful enough.) See if you an get on their mailing list. They're at 824 E. Baltimore Street, Baltimore MD 21202.

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Follow-up.

In TNO 2(7)'s wish list, I asked for the concept of "deleting" a file to go away. Several people responded with useful comments. Andrew Treloar informed me that what I want is referred to by the term Hierarchical Storage Management (HSM), which automatically migrate files up and down the storage hierarchy. In response to my request for new metaphors, he also points out that OpenDoc calls everything a document and the Newton stores everything in "soups". Also, Mark Smucker pointed out that something like what I want is commonly used in development environments, where the metaphor is that programmers "check out" a file from a "repository", which maintains all back versions. Finally, Tom Blinn also reminded me of some of the automatic backup and restore features of the late and lamented TOPS-20 operating system.

In TNO 2(8)'s wish list, I asked for a service on the net that automatically checks HTML style and standards compliance. Both Ben Hyde and David Kulp pointed out that such a thing can be found at http://www.halsoft.com/html-val-svc/

Web picks:

Some relatively high-quality conspiracy stuff, samples from a commercial newsletter, are to be found at gopher://ursula.blythe.org/11/pub/Intelligence/

The FCC's Common Carrier Bureau is at http://www.fcc.gov/ccb.html

The virtuous (Los Angeles) Inner City Computer Society is at http://host.scbbs.com/~iccs/

The Feminist Majority Foundation and the Christian Coalition both have excellent Web sites, at http://www.feminist.org/ and http://www.cc.org/, respectively. The Christian Coalition could use some more content, though, and the Feminist Majority Foundation could use less of the color pink.

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Phil Agre, editor pagre@ucsd.edu Department of Communication University of California, San Diego +1 (619) 534-6328 La Jolla, California 92093-0503 FAX 534-7315 USA

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Copyright 1995 by the editor. You may forward this issue of The Network Observer electronically to anyone for any non-commercial purpose. Comments and suggestions are always appreciated.

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